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July 5, 1962 marks a turning point in Algerian history, symbolizing the end of French colonization and the advent of national independence. This date, chosen to celebrate newfound freedom, is deeply rooted in the Algerians’ incessant struggles to free themselves from the colonial yoke. In this interview with Young Independenthistorian Fouad Soufi explores the multiple dimensions of this historic date, from its origins to its repercussions on new generations, thus offering a reflection on the profound meaning of independence and its implications for future generations.
The Young Independent: The celebration of July 5, 1962, Independence Day, is also a youth celebration. What lessons can we learn from this day for the younger generations?
Fouad Sufi : First of all, I would like to point out that, according to the 1963 law, July 5 was considered Independence and Party Day. It was only later that it was considered Independence and Youth Day. As for the lessons that can be learned from this date, it is essentially that of the mobilization of a generation composed of young men and women motivated, like their elders, to lead the struggle for national liberation.
Today’s youth will have to understand that they can continue this fight, with other weapons and in other circumstances, but always with only one objective, one goal, namely to keep our country free and independent. The rest is a romantic vision of history.
Precisely, from a historical point of view, what is the symbolism of the choice of July 5 as an independence day?
July 5, 1962 is symbolically the great celebration of the end of colonization. That of a day celebrated in the joy and jubilation of freedom regained by millions of Algerians.
A debate took place a few years ago around the date of July 3. It was indeed on July 3 that France, through the voice of its president General De Gaulle, took note of the results of the vote of July 1.er July and officially announced that “the powers relating to sovereignty over the territory of the former French departments of Algeria are, to date, transferred to the Provisional Executive of the Algerian State”, set up after the Evian Accords of March 19. It should be noted that neither the FLN, nor the GPRA (Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic) were mentioned. Therefore, retaining the date of July 3 would have been in some way accepting that the choice of a symbolic date of our national history, of our national novel, was the fruit of a decision by the French State and not the fruit of the struggles of the National Liberation Movement.
On the other hand, it should be noted that from a historical point of view, the choice of July 5 as the date of celebration of independence, since 1963, was not linked, in my humble opinion, immediately to July 5, 1830. We ended up saying: “They entered on July 5, they left on July 5.” It is beautiful but historically it is false. As a reminder, July 5, 1830 is both the date of the capitulation of the Dey of Algiers and that of the occupation of Algiers by the French army, which became the colonial army, which was long considered a day of mourning for the Algerians. The parties of the national movement had marked this date with strike movements between 1946 and 1954, or even later. It was once independence was acquired that the symbolism of this day was replaced by the joy of the breath of freedom regained.
July 5 also refers to the great national strike of July 5, 1961 against the partition of Algeria. Is it possible to look back on this day and find out if it had an impact on the choice of July 5 as the date of Independence Day?
Indeed, the date of July 5 refers rather to July 5, 1961. The GPRA had then called for a major national strike against the plans to partition Algeria. July 5, 1961, which came at a time when negotiations were accelerating but also atrocities and assassinations by the OAS, caused a political shock both nationally and internationally. The resounding echo of this strike demonstrates that the GPRA had established itself as the sole representative of the Algerian people.
What are the challenges of historical research on July 5, 1962, especially since the popular jubilation of Independence Day was marred, in places, by the tragic consequences of the atrocities of the OAS?
The great challenge is simple and concerns the history of the war of national liberation. Can we today make an academic history of it that is not in contradiction with this romantic history? As you recalled, there were serious incidents in Oran, and only in Oran, on July 5, 1962. July 5 in Oran was a rather special day, this is a first challenge for historians, especially since this day has been reported “missing”. No one talks about it, not even in Oran, and no one wants to remember it, even in Oran.
The second challenge is to know what happened, everywhere in the country, cities and villages. Unfortunately, the witnesses and main actors have most likely disappeared. So, we must congratulate ourselves and read at least two books. That of Nourredine Saadi, Editions Chihab, entitled: On this day, July 5, 1962The second, published by Les Presses du Chélif, entitled Istiqlal. July 5, 1962. Testimonies on the crazy days of independence.
The generation that succeeded them can only give a childhood memory. As for the current generations, they learn, thanks to the work of historians, the history of their country and the sacrifices endured by their elders.
Furthermore, the question of academic support for our history remains essential. We can no longer be satisfied with the testimonies of the actors; we must make the archives available to citizens in general and to researchers, historians or not. All the more so since the 1988 law on national archives allows this since the sixty-year period that can be applied to these archives has been exceeded by two years. The archives of the war of liberation do not oppose the security of the State and, therefore, we can largely impose the fifty-year period on them. But that is another story.