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Türkiye is stepping up its outreach to Libya’s rival factions, seeking to balance ties with both Tripoli and Benghazi as it pushes for unity in the conflict-torn country while strengthening its influence in the Eastern Mediterranean.
A rare meeting this week between Turkish intelligence chief Ibrahim Kalın and eastern commander Khalifa Haftar marked Ankara’s first high-level contact with Benghazi in years. Libya has been divided since the NATO-backed uprising in 2011, with rival administrations in the east and west vying for power.
While Türkiye remains a key supporter of the U.N.-recognized government in Tripoli, it is now broadening engagement with Haftar’s camp, a move that reflects Ankara’s bid to help stabilize Libya without alienating either side, according to Murat Aslan, a security analyst at the Turkish think-tank Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research (SETA).
Policy of inclusion
The outreach comes as Libya’s political process remains stalled. Disputes over elections and a constitutional referendum continue between Tripoli-based leaders and the eastern parliament, while armed groups still wield influence across western Libya, often competing with one another.
Here, Türkiye has carved out a stabilizing role. Its military presence in western Libya has helped calm rival militias, while active coordination among Ankara’s Foreign Ministry, intelligence service, and defense officials has, according to Aslan, had “a constructive impact on Libya in such a situation.”
Central to Türkiye’s strategy, Aslan stressed, is engaging with all Libyan factions. “If you only meet with one side in any country, you reduce yourself to a position of supporting that side while alienating the other,” he said. “Türkiye is not making this mistake.”
He emphasized that Ankara’s outreach to Benghazi was done in coordination with Tripoli. “The initiative in Benghazi wasn’t undertaken to offend Tripoli. It’s being carried out in close coordination with Tripoli,” Aslan said.
For Ankara, the payoff lies not in military victories but in creating political space. “Such a political success is being achieved,” Aslan said. “It demonstrates the success of Türkiye’s Libya policy.”
Maritime stakes
That balancing act carries weight far beyond Libya’s borders.
A core part of Ankara’s calculations is the 2019 agreement on the delimitation of maritime jurisdictions with Tripoli, a deal that expanded Türkiye’s reach in the Eastern Mediterranean but has yet to be ratified by Libya’s eastern-based parliament.
Aslan said Türkiye’s outreach to Benghazi could pave the way for that approval, a step that would strengthen Ankara’s hand against Greece and the European Union.
“The maritime jurisdiction protocol between those two countries must also be ratified by the Assembly,” said Aslan. “If the Assembly in eastern Libya ratifies that agreement, Greece will no longer be able to mount a counterargument.”
Two historic rivals wrangling for influence in their region, Türkiye and Greece are also at odds over energy exploration in the Eastern Mediterranean, including Ankara’s deal with Libya, which allows Turkish ships to probe Libya’s territorial waters for hydrocarbons.
Kalın’s visit coincided with the docking of the Turkish navy corvette TCG Kınalıada in Benghazi and military-to-military talks between Turkish and Libyan delegations. Haftar’s son and deputy, Saddam Haftar, boarded the ship, highlighting the growing thaw between Ankara and the east.
For Türkiye, the outreach is part of what Aslan describes as a steady policy of engaging both sides. “Türkiye’s Libya policy essentially remains unchanged,” he said. “But Libya is currently de facto divided for certain other countries’ politics, which they intend to maintain. Türkiye is opposed to this and has taken steps to help achieve unity.”
That effort has included reopening its consulate in Benghazi and welcoming Saddam Haftar at defense industry events in Istanbul. Such gestures, Aslan argued, “naturally led Haftar to align himself more closely with Türkiye.”
Waves in Athens, Cairo
The prospect of ratification, however, has sparked anxiety in Athens. Greek media described Kalın’s meeting with Haftar as a turning point, with Kathimerini declaring, “Ankara and Haftar are now closer together.”
For Greece, approval of the deal would strip away a key argument against the 2019 accord, which it insists is “illegitimate,” although its legal framework is based on international law. A Europost commentary went further, criticizing the Greek government for lacking a coherent strategy, warning that “Türkiye surrounds Greece from all sides.”
Ankara’s Libya moves are also closely tied to its normalization with Egypt. After years of strained ties, Türkiye and Cairo have largely restored relations, and Libya has become central to their dialogue.
“When it comes to Khalifa Haftar and Libya, it’s necessary to delve into Turkish-Egyptian relations,” Aslan explained. “Because Egypt sees eastern Libya as crucial to its own security.”
If Ankara, Cairo, and Benghazi were to reach a trilateral understanding, Aslan argued, it could reshape the Eastern Mediterranean.
“If Egypt, Libya, and Türkiye reach an agreement to share maritime jurisdictions in the region, this will bring peace to the ongoing Gaza war, the turmoil in Lebanon, Israel, and the Greek Cypriot administration,” he said.
