Physical Address
Indirizzo: Via Mario Greco 60, Buttigliera Alta, 10090, Torino, Italy
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s visit to China, his first since 2019, marked a significant milestone in the trajectory of Türkiye-China relations. His participation as guest of honor at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit in Tianjin carried a meaning that went far beyond protocol. Despite India’s efforts to block Türkiye’s presence at the summit, Beijing’s invitation was a clear acknowledgment of Ankara’s growing weight in Eurasian politics. The meeting between Erdoğan and Chinese President Xi Jinping on the sidelines of the summit offered important clues about the future of bilateral ties at a time when global power balances are undergoing profound change.
Synergy of leaders’ agenda
During their talks, Erdoğan reiterated Türkiye’s consistent support for the “One China” policy and emphasized the strategic dimension of the relationship. He called for a more balanced and sustainable trade partnership, underscoring the importance of Chinese investment in Türkiye in promising sectors such as digital technologies, energy, health and tourism. He also stressed the urgency of harmonizing Türkiye’s Middle Corridor with the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), noting that stronger coordination would generate mutual benefits.
Xi Jinping, for his part, described Türkiye and China as rising powers of the Global South, both defined by independence and self-reliance. He argued that strengthening strategic cooperation between the two countries would serve not only their national interests but also those of developing nations at large. Xi called on both sides to deepen political trust, expand cooperation from counterterrorism to tourism, seize opportunities in new fields such as clean energy, 5G and biomedicine, and work more closely within multilateral platforms such as the U.N., the G-20 and the SCO.
This ambitious agenda highlights both opportunities and challenges. While bilateral relations have gained momentum in recent years, Türkiye’s foreign policy bandwidth has been consumed mainly by crises such as the Russia-Ukraine war, Israel’s ongoing atrocities in Gaza, the Iran-Israel confrontation and Syria’s reconstruction. As a result, Türkiye has not been able to develop policies with China at the center fully. Ankara often approaches Beijing with emotional ups and downs, eager to see quick economic results from political engagement. On the other hand, China remains cautious. Xi’s emphasis at the very start of his meeting with Erdoğan on the need to strengthen political trust suggests that a confidence gap still exists. The cancellation of China’s long-range missile contract in 2015 – announced on the very day Xi arrived in Antalya for the G-20 summit – left a deep scar. Subsequent Turkish statements on the Uyghur issue have further strained trust. These episodes reveal that the relationship has yet to cross China’s threshold of confidence fully.
Still, the positive atmosphere in Tianjin suggests that the Erdoğan-Xi meeting may create fresh momentum. There is reason to expect that the summit could mark the beginning of a more constructive phase in bilateral ties.
Fresh start in bilateral relations
China today is far more than the world’s largest manufacturing hub. It is a global leader in green energy, artificial intelligence, quantum technologies and biotechnology. Through the BRI, Beijing has built ports, railways and bridges stretching from Asia to Africa and Latin America, exporting not only goods but also influence. Türkiye, with its strategic location, relatively young population and diversified economy, can serve as an indispensable partner in this emerging global landscape. Yet, to translate this potential into tangible benefits, Ankara must approach cooperation with careful selectivity. Benefiting from China’s strengths without sliding into dependency requires strategies that emphasize technology transfer, joint research and local value creation rather than one-sided import dependence.
One of the most pressing challenges remains the massive trade imbalance, heavily tilted in China’s favor. Correcting this imbalance will depend not only on boosting Türkiye’s exports but also on attracting long-term Chinese investment that generates employment and know-how on Turkish soil. Aligning the Middle Corridor with the BRI – if accompanied by reforms in customs, infrastructure and financing – could turn Türkiye into the logistical heart of Eurasia. Cultural and educational exchanges, the promotion of tourism, and stronger media cooperation are equally crucial to building a durable social foundation for the partnership.
The broader context matters as well. Next year marks the 55th anniversary of diplomatic relations between Türkiye and China. This milestone is an opportunity to elevate ties to a higher level, but also highlights the delicate balance Türkiye must preserve. As a NATO member pursuing a multidimensional foreign policy, Ankara cannot afford to let its cooperation with Beijing be misinterpreted as a pivot away from the West. Rather, Türkiye’s challenge is to reinforce its role as a bridge between regions, engaging both Atlantic and Asian partners while maintaining its strategic autonomy.
Of course, risks remain. Domestic sensitivities, particularly surrounding the Uyghur issue, may stir tensions. Western reactions to deeper Türkiye-China cooperation could complicate Ankara’s transatlantic ties. Yet if managed prudently, the opportunities are considerable.
At its core, the Tianjin summit reflected a world in transition. China’s rise has been called the greatest miracle of our time: a country of 1.4 billion that has transformed itself into not only the world’s factory but also a powerhouse of the industries of the future. For Türkiye, the test lies in whether it can position itself wisely within this transformation, forging a relationship that is balanced, mutually beneficial and resilient to global turbulence.
The Erdoğan-Xi meeting in Tianjin may well be remembered as the opening chapter of a new era in a partnership that could shape not only bilateral ties but also the architecture of the 21st-century global order.
Beijing is no longer a distant capital for Türkiye, but a decisive hub in the world’s future order. The question is whether Ankara will see China as just another market or as a strategic partner. Success will depend on Türkiye’s ability to apply the same virtues that have fueled China’s rise: patience, foresight and a clear sense of strategy.
